The European Federation Benelux Region. 31 July,
2063. The Berlin-based European
Government orders the European Federation (EF) English Regional Government to
increase taxes to pay for the South-East European Regional Development
Plan. England’s first female President
and European Commissioner instructs the English Regional Parliament to duly
rubber-stamp Berlin’s wishes. Comprised
as it is of 60% EF appointees the Parliament duly obliges. All of Europe’s remaining constitutional
monarchies were scrapped in May 2050 on the centennial of the Schuman
Declaration and the creation of the European Federation. Indeed, democracy as
Europeans once knew it has long been replaced by an elite-led technocracy that
governs in the name of ‘stability’.
The technocracy is ‘overseen’ by
a remote and weak European Parliament that acts in the name of the people but
rarely has much direct contact with them.
The English still get to vote but only on minor local issues. The United Kingdom also ceased to exist in May
2050 as England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland became part of the EF’s
British Isles Region. The last vestiges
of national sovereignty were finally abandoned at the 2040 Brussels Summit
which not only transferred the seat of European government to Berlin but also revealed
Europe’s worst-kept secret – no decisions of any substance had been taken at
the national level since 2032 and the signing of Maastricht Treaty 2.
Fanciful? That is precisely where Britain/England will
be in 2063 if London continues to transfer national powers to Brussels at the
rate that has been taking place since the 1986 Single European Act.
Last week the first reports of the
British Government’s so-called Balance of Competences Review were
published. Already dubbed the Great
Whitehall Whitewash the Review has thus far concluded a) the EU does not cost
Britain too much; and b) the balance of competences between London and Brussels
are about right. However, the benchmark
against which the reports core judgements are made are impossible to discern. The reason is that most EU member-states can
point to tangible benefits of membership but with the cost of membership to Britain so high
the ‘benefits’ are at best intangible.
The aim of the Review is to
demonstrate ‘fairness’. Of course, I
should add ‘or otherwise’ but thus far the Review is simply making the case for
EU membership and does not begin to address inequities. For example, of the 1.4 million advertised
jobs on a European Commission funded web-site – EURES - 814,359 are in Britain
– almost 60% of the EU total. Germany’s economy
is some 25% bigger than Britain’s but offers only 20% of the advertised jobs. Why
and how?
On the face of it the Commission appears
to be actively discriminating against British workers by offering £1000 to any
British employer who will take on a non-British worker with any worker
travelling to the UK offered an additional £900 to cover travel costs. And yet over a million young British workers
are mired in the despair of long-term unemployment.
How can this possibly make sense or be fair?
Part of the problem is the FCO itself. To be fair, those charged with preparing the
Review face an almost impossible task in the current political climate. Equally, asking the FCO to review the EU is
akin to asking the Pope to review the Catholic Church and whether the Holy
Father should be part of it. In other
words, the Review is “Yes Prime Minister’s” Sir Humphrey Appleby at his very worst.
The reports thus
far also critically undermine David Cameron’s calls for EU reform, the very reason
they were commissioned in the first place.
Cameron is thus firmly skewered on a very uncomfortable political
fence. He should now be under no
illusion as to the opposition he will face from a Whitehall elite appalled that the British people should have their say about Britain’s future place in a future EU.
And it is 'futureness' which is the essential weakness of the Review. Indeed, perhaps the most telling
indictment of the Balance of Competence Review is that it deliberately sets out
to establish the ‘cost-benefit’ of Britain’s membership by addressing today’s EU. However, the real issue is Britain's relationship with the EU of 2020, 2030, 2040 and 2050 and
beyond given the reasonable assumption of Eurozone-driven 'ever closer union'.
A real British referendum would
thus ask two questions. Are you the
British citizen prepared to accept further reduction in both the power and
influence of the British Government and Parliament and see more power
transferred to both the European Commission and European Parliament? Are you the British citizen prepared in time
to join the Euro? A yes vote would by
definition entail an implicit acceptance of both outcomes.
If they ever get the chance in
2017 the British people face the gravest decision over their future since
declaring war in 1939. However, it is
precisely this decision that the Balance of Competences Review clouds by
providing the wrong answers to the wrong questions. For Whitehall it is any EU at any cost.
Julian Lindley-French
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