Alphen, Netherlands. 24
February. It is rare to witness history
as it happens. Sweden’s outstanding,
people-open foreign minister Carl Bildt this weekend reminded all and sundry of
just that when he tweeted about the importance of the moment after a
revolution. Listening from afar to Russia’s
Chekovian silence in the wake of former President Yanukovitch’s ouster it was
hard not to cast one’s mind back to 1989.
Then one by one Soviet satellites broke free from Moscow’s yoke and
declared themselves for ‘Europe’. However,
the danger of such nostalgia is that ‘freedom’ is cast in terms of Russia's humiliation.
The popular break-out
culminated in November 1989 when slab by wretched concrete slab the Berlin Wall
was torn down. The small door a few
brave people opened offered a vision of a Europe whole and free. All but the most die-hard of die-hards simply
assumed that 1989 marked the dawn of a new age of liberal democracy. 2014 is both more and less complicated.
Interim President
Olexander Turchynov says he wants to set Ukraine back on the path to ‘European
integration’. In response Moscow has
withdrawn its ambassador to Kiev “for consultations”. In spite of an agreement between Germany’s
Chancellor Merkel and President Putin that Ukraine’s territorial integrity is
to be maintained with the Sochi Olympics out of the way battle-lines are being
drawn.
To reinforce Merkel’s
good cop bad cops US and UK (yawn) have warned Russia not to even think about
the use of force. All this is eerily
reminiscent of 1989. Indeed, even the
nature of Janukovich’s flight from Kiev had just a hint of the desperate
departure of Romania’s Caucescus from power…and eventually life itself.
And yet 1989 was also very
different to 2014. The US was the
dominant European power and that is clearly not the case today as Germany
assumes an ever-stronger leadership role.
Today, the ideal of liberal democracy back in 1989 has been eclipsed by
the liberal bureaucracy the EU is inflicting on Europe; the harsh day-to-day reality of ever
close political union. And, far from
being the rich West versus the poor East, ‘Europe’ today is almost whole but by
and large broke.
And that is the irony
of 2014. If Brussels, or whomsoever
is in charge of ‘Europe’ these days, does not handle this moment carefully the
2014 Ukrainian Revolution could forge an implicit partnership between Western
European citizens and the Kremlin. This
is because for Turchynov ‘European integration’ is actually a metaphor for access to huge amounts of taxpayer cash belonging to
those relatively few Western Europeans who pay for this kind of thing and who
are still reeling from the impact of successive Eurozone bail-outs.
Even the still-broke
British are offering “large amounts of cash” via the IMF according to Foreign
Secretary Hague. This may be to offset
London’s ritual humiliation last week at the hands of the French, Germans and
Poles who went to Kiev to broker a deal that collapsed almost as soon as it was
signed. It may also be due to German
pressure at last week’s talks between London and Berlin to provide funds
precisely because the British taxpayer has been shielded from the Eurozone
crisis. As an aside it was interesting
to see Polish Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski being showcased by France and
Germany as the new EU ‘Foreign Minister’ when Cathy Ashton steps down in
November.
And Ukraine will need to be
many large buckets of cash. Ukraine is
bankrupt. Or, at least it will be when
Moscow later this week withdraws the c€12bn/$16.5bn it has pumped into Ukraine’s
ailing finances of late to keep Kiev close, allied to a 30% drop in available
gas supplies if Russia cuts the pipeline.
According to the CIA GDP per capita is $7500 per annum which ranks
Ukraine 140th of some 220 states in the world, with 24.1% of the population below
the poverty line. Public debt has also of
late spiralled. In other words Ukraine
could be a very big Greece. Ukraine’s economy is totally
ill-equipped for a sudden opening to Western markets, particularly in the heavy-industry
sodden and Russian-speaking east of the country. Therefore, it is vital that all of Europe’s
leaders enter this crisis with eyes wide open.
First, there can be no
solution to Ukraine’s turmoil without the support of Russia. Of a population of 45.5 million people some
17.3% are ethnic Russian concentrated in the east of the country and most
notably in Crimea, the home of the Russian Black Seas Fleet.
Second, a new
constitution must be drawn up as soon as possible that clearly and openly
protects the rights of the Russian minority in keeping with European law.
Third, the Organisation
of Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) should be given the lead to
ensure that Ukraine’s future does not become a zero sum game between a German-led
EU and Russia.
Fourth, the new
leadership in Kiev must be disabused of any romantic notions they may have that
following elections an EU-friendly Kiev could be fast-tracked into the Union.
After all, European Commission President Barosso has just told secessionist Scots
that any such deals would be “difficult, almost impossible”.
Fifth, offering Ukraine
an EU rather than a Russian future will cost billions of euros and
Europeans must recognise that. Belarus
will be next.
Sixth, Moscow must be
made to fully understand that there can be no military adventurism in
Ukraine. Ukraine’s security is
intrinsically linked to the EU and NATO members around it.
For all that Ukraine
must be supported. 2014 is not 1989. However, like it or not the key to Ukraine’s future
still lies in Moscow. At the very least Moscow must
be invited to host a conference on the new European order and told Russia is
central to Europe’s future, not simply Europe's past. Then just then Ukraine may finds its way to
peace and stability.
Over to you, Carl!
Julian Lindley-French
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