Ottawa, Canada. 12
June. Two hundred years ago in 1814 what
was then British North America burnt down the White House and with the help of
British Regulars re-arranged much else in Washington. The Americans had launched an ill-advised and
haphazard invasion of British territory and were rightly taught a lesson about
manners and neighbourly relations.
Today, Canada is one of the world’s richest, most secure and most
neighbourly countries on the planet.
There are few if any threats that Canada faces and the American behemoth
to the south offers Canadians protection by extension. So, what role does Canada’s aspire to play in
a rapidly changing and potentially very dangerous world?
My purpose in coming to
green, leafy Ottawa has been to engage in two days of talks with senior Canadian
foreign and defence officials on a range of strategy and security-related
topics. My welcome is typically Canadian – honest, friendly and open. Indeed, I make no attempt to mask the fact
that I like and admire this country which has always ‘done its bit’ either as a
faithful British dominion in former times, as a close American and British ally
in two world wars or as an under-stated and yet effective NATO member.
Canadians have turned
modesty into a strategic doctrine ‘oftentimes’ (as the say here) being at the
very forefront of American and British-led campaigns. Given little credit for their immense but
under-stated sacrifice Canadians have seemed content to let others decide their
strategic direction of travel. Indeed,
one only has to look at last week’s D-Day 70 commemorations to get a sense of
the pivotal role played by Canada in Europe’s freedom and yet their
determination not to make a fuss about it.
This was something reinforced in my mind during a visit to Ottawa’s magnificent
war museum in which I had the honour of meeting two Canadian veterans.
And yet as I contemplate
my visit I am still left with a very big question mark in my mind about Canada’s
role in the world. Indeed, it would be
easy for Canadians to sit back and leave world peace to others. Unlike many Western countries Canada need not
fret about energy security as she sits on vast reserves of oil and gas. However, that is not the Canadian way and one
can feel the ‘what next’ question hanging over Ottawa.
Neither is there a
willingness here to really confront just ‘what next’ could mean. And. looked at strategically it is clear that
the world and the political realism which again defines it will not leave
Canada in peace. Canada is a three ocean
state two of which will be contested – the Arctic and the Pacific.
The problem for Canada
is that Ottawa has no tradition of looking at the world for itself and making
the big, strategic choices such an analysis would force upon Canadians. For so long others have either made Ottawa’s
strategic choices or provided the strategic context for Canadian action. However, with a US as uncertain and as
uncertainly-led as at any time since the 1930s and with Europe in self-imposed,
self-obsessed steep decline Canada must now think strategically for itself.
Specifically, Canada
must decide what it needs to do to renovate the crisis-ridden rules-based, institution-framed
system Canada helped to build and which Canadians have done so much to
maintain. The alliances and unions of the twentieth century are in danger of
becoming rapidly parochial in the twenty-first.
Moreover, in the emerging world-wide web of democracies security will no
longer pivot on Europe but on North America with Canada occupying a key
position in a new West no longer a place but an idea.
Given the inherent
modesty of this most congenial of countries the pragmatic, civil-military ethos
that has infused much of Canada’s external engagements in the past fifteen
years (and which have suited Canada and its sense of itself) will need to be
replaced by something much more ambitious.
My sense however is that Canada will need to break out of the
self-defeating denial about the scope and pace of strategic change if Ottawa is
to meet the coming challenges of what is fast becoming a hyper-competitive strategic
age.
This is not so much
because Canada itself will be threatened but because the values that define
Canada will need defending. And here I
see some very European complacency, particularly in defence policy. With Canada’s defence expenditure down at
around 1.1% GDP (in reality) almost half the NATO target of 2% GDP Canadians
like to suggest that it is not how much one spends on defence but how one
spends it. That is of course right to a
limited point. However, it is equally
true that 2% well-spent is better than 1% well-spent and Canada needs and can
afford to set an example to other allies. However, the controversy here over
the purchase of the F-35 fighter demonstrates a very profound uncertainty about
just what the Canadian armed forces are for and by extension Canada’s level of
strategic ambition (which is really what the politics of F-35 is all about).
Last night unable to
sleep I read the 2008 Canada First
Defence Strategy. It is a decent albeit
relatively light defence-strategic effort and certainly helped me back into
unconsciousness. However, having read the Strategy I still could not work out what
role Canada aspires to play. Indeed, the
Strategy seemed to start with a question that to my mind is wrong for such a
serious, grown-up country - where does Canada fit in to the plans of others, particularly
the United States? Surely, the question
Canadians need to answer is what role Canada in the twenty-first century?
There is a also a deeper
question Canada must again answer. It is
the question those marvellous Canadians answered very clearly on Juno Beach; to
what are extent Canadians prepared to defend the liberal values which define
this great country, where and how. To
answer that question Ottawa will need strategy, not just politics.
Julian Lindley-French
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