Alphen,
Netherlands. 20 December. Looking
through the usual empty guff about Europe’s role in the world last night’s Joint
Statement on the Common Security and Defence Policy by EU leaders came down to how to afford a few
unmanned aerial vehicles (drones) and a few air-to-air refuelling
aircraft. As a statement of the
strategically-irrelevant it comes straight out of the ‘we only recognise as
much threat as we can afford’ school of European appeasement. European leaders (as ever) avoided the real
issues facing European defence: how to afford, generate and organise a full
spectrum capability of military forces (affordability); where best to organise
them (EU or NATO); and who has control over them (sovereignty)?
The
affordability question goes to the very heart of Europe’s defence crisis. Europeans spend around €180bn/$246bn per annum
on defence with much of it a chronic waste of European taxpayer’s money. Indeed, there are nineteen EU member-states
that spend less than €4bn/$5.5bn per year and extremely badly whilst 90% of all
defence-technological research in Europe is done by just three countries –
Britain, France and Germany. Meanwhile, Russia aims to
inject about €568bn/$775 billion by 2022 for new armaments and a more
professional military whilst Beijing increased the Chinese defence budget by a further
10% in 2013 bringing defence expenditure close to 14% of GDP (Read this week’s
Japanese National Security Strategy). In
other words, if Europeans were in the real world they would realise that
something radical must be done to afford Europeans twenty-first century defence. At the very least the smaller European
nation-states must consider defence integration.
However, defence
integration raises the second question; should the EU or NATO lead such an
effort? Today, the indivisibility of
European defence is a myth. Different states
want different things from different institutions and invest accordingly. One
reason for Europe’s military paralysis is that there are European federalists within
the European Commission and beyond who see an opportunity to use Europe’s
defence to further erode state sovereignty.
Indeed, whilst the European Commission is absolutely
right to warn about the inefficiency of the European defence industrial base it
is utterly wrong to believe EU control would afford the European taxpayer a more
competitive arms industry.
Worse, only
Britain and France retain some commitment to maintaining warfighting power and thus
an ability to work with US armed forces.
The need to maintain transatlantic military cohesion has traditionally made
NATO the locus for the generation of military power however hard France has
tried to replace NATO with the EU. Sadly,
NATO is a busted flush and faced with American disinterest and the Eurozone
crisis many Europeans are now clustering around Germany and by extension
Germany’s EU. However, Germany is caught
in a history trap; the more powerful Berlin becomes politically the less
military.
It is who has
control over future European forces that is ultimately at the heart of Europe’s
defence paralysis. The central paradox
of European defence is that remove the sovereignty question and pragmatic
progress would be far more likely towards a credible European force. However, whilst defence integration makes
sense from the affordability angle from the utility of force angle it is it
little short of alternative pacifism.
The Benelux countries are a case in point. Belgium, the Netherlands and mighty Luxembourg
are deepening defence co-operation but getting the three countries to agree
over the actual use of a single force makes crisis management glacial…and thus
oxymoronic.
Britain
as ever in the EU these days is the outlier.
In 1953 Winston Churchill in rejecting British membership of Europe’s first
attempt at European defence integration said, “We are with them, but not of
them”. On Wednesday in a London speech the
British Chief of the Defence Staff General Sir Nick Houghton warned about the
hollowing out of British armed forces by repeated defence cuts. One argument in in my January e-book “Little
Britain? Twenty-First Century Strategy
for a Middling European Power” is this; if Britain does not offer a leadership
alternative in Europe and properly invest in the influence powerful British armed
forces would afford London the British could well in time have join the very
European Army it fears.
There
is one final irony over last night’s non-event.
Fifteen years ago this month at St Malo Britain and France established a
blueprint for EU defence that would have seen the development of a
NATO-compatible capability that would have afforded the Union ‘…the capacity
for autonomous action”. If anything Europeans
are now further from autonomous action than ever and thus more reliant than
ever upon the United States for their defence.
However, the Americans will be busy this century and unless Europeans
find a way to generate credible and useable strategic military power – be it
organised through the EU or NATO - the real consequence of last night will be a
Europe that is to all intents and purposes defenceless.
Merry
Christmas!
Julian
Lindley-French
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