“There
is not enough Europe in this Union. And, there is not enough Union in this
Union”.
Jean-Claude
Juncker
Alphen, Netherlands. 11
September. What does Wednesday’s speech by European Commission President
Jean-Claude Juncker really say about the State of the Union? Last week I was accused
by a senior figure (not unreasonably) of ‘carping’ on about ‘Europe’. He is right. As a historian and strategist the implications
of what is happening to power in Europe has to my mind the most profound implications
for the Rights of Man, for democracy,
liberty and political legitimacy. And it
is over that simple issue of political principle where Juncker and I part company.
Juncker and I come from
two very different political traditions that in and of themselves reflect the
fundamental split that exists between most Eurozone and non-Eurozone
members. I am very much the political child
of the English enlightenment, of John Locke and Thomas Paine, and the need for
power to be legitimised and checked by close proximity to the citizen. Juncker is the child of Jean-Baptiste Colbert,
Louis XIV’s First Minister, who championed the idea of ‘dirigisme’, the top-down imposition of the state on the citizen in
his/her name by an elite that knows best.
Juncker’s political
agenda came across most clearly when he addressed the two headline crises of
the moment: the migration crisis and the future of the Eurozone. On the face of
it many of the proposals Juncker made to ‘manage’ the migration crisis make policy
sense. He is right to suggest the crisis is systemic requiring a Europe-wide
response built on solidarity, humanity and commitment. I buy that. However, the crisis also needs stopping and
that means strategy, structure and tough action, all three of which were notable
by their absence from the speech. Rather,
like Angela Merkel, Juncker seems almost content to envision potentially
millions of non-European migrants coming to Europe with all that entails for the
future of European societies and the functioning of many EU member-states.
As ever with Juncker the
devil is in the detail of the language.
He calls for the ‘compulsory’, i.e. dirigiste,
relocation of an ‘initial’ 160,000 migrants, a ‘common’ EU migration policy,
asylum-seekers (he refused to call them ‘migrants’ which is what the majority
are once they set foot in the EU) to be given the right to work from the day
they arrive in the EU whilst they await a ruling on their right to stay. A
ruling that Juncker would prefer was made by the European Commission and not
individual member-states. Juncker also
called for the EU’s Frontex force to become a “fully operational border and
coastguard system,” to patrol the EU’s borders, i.e. another stepping stone on
the road to his beloved European Army. And,
he calls for a “more powerful EU foreign policy”, focused on Brussels and not
the member-states.
However, it is only when
one reads the passages in the speech about deeper Eurozone integration does the
sheer scale of Juncker’s political ambition become apparent – the effective
scrapping of the sovereign nation-state in Europe stone by sovereign stone. Juncker first calls for the Eurozone to have
its own treasury, and a seat for on the IMF and World Bank. He then suggests that
salaries across the EU must be harmonised to ensure the same jobs get the same
pay, which would effectively end the free market in Europe. This is super-statism and super-dirigisme at its most implacable.
The speech must also be
placed in its wider political context. On July 1, the “Five President’s Report
for Strengthening Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union” was slipped out. In fact, the report should have been
entitled, “Enforcing European Political Union” for whilst the focus of the
report is on how to enhance the functioning of the Eurozone the objective is decidedly
political – the ‘Grexification’ of the Eurozone state. In the report ‘Presidents’
Juncker, Tusk, Dijsselbloem, Draghi and Schulz (the EU elite love making
themselves presidents these days) proposed a three-stage plan that by 2025
would see a Eurozone that was fully-integrated by 2025, i.e. a super-state in
all but name (and possibly with name).
Stage one, entitled
“Deepening by Doing” would be completed by 30 June, 2017, and would complete
the “Financial Union” by centralising more state power in dirigiste European institutions whilst at on and the same time
magically enhancing ‘democratic accountability’. Stage Two, “Completing EMU”, would
see ever more binding powers imposed on member-states to ensure ‘convergence’
between economies and thus further reduce the ability of any member-state to
makes its own policy,. Stage three, “at
the latest by 2025”, would see a “deep and genuine EMU” put in place. Naturally, the document is replete with
references to ‘democracy’ and ‘freedom’. This is nothing new; whenever EU dirigistes
seek to remove power ever further from the people it is done so in the name of
the very people who are being politically enfeebled.
Set against such
political ambition David Cameron’s hopeless attempt to renegotiate Britain’s
relationship with Juncker, Germany and the Eurozone (for that is what it is) is
doomed. The strange thing about Cameron
is that he is meant to have studied Politics, Philosophy and Economics across
the road from me in Oxford. And yet he seems unable to comprehend that as a
British Conservative he is actually engaged in a battle of the most profound
political importance between small government English Lockeism and big, distant
government EU Colbertist dirigisme. I suspect he spent too much time in The Bear pub. Not for the first time
Cameron has under-estimated the strategic implications of one of his many
narrow political gambit.
Indeed, unless Cameron
gets serious about his renegotiation he will place the British people in the
worst of all dirigiste EU worlds. The only way to stop such drift will be to
threaten a Brexit and mean it for such a threat is likely the only way to get Germany
and other Eurozone member-states to confront the full implications and
consequences of Juncker’s dirigiste vision.
Juncker’s speech marks a
true parting of the ways; a vision of and for Europe that goes far beyond the
super-Alliance of European states in which I believe. An elitiste, dirigiste ‘Europe’ focused on the
European Commission and the European Parliament in which the once supreme European
Council would be reduced to little more than a toothless advisory body.
Non-Eurozone states will soon
have to face the profound choice they have all be ducking; join the new ‘state’
or leave the EU. Are there alternatives?
The federalist Spinelli Group are drafting what they call the ‘final treaty’
(sounds ominous) and have proposed the idea of ‘associate membership’ for
states like Britain. To Juncker’s mind
that would be like being a little bit pregnant – simply not possible. Indeed, for Juncker one will need to be
either in the Eurozone or out of the EU. ‘Associate membership’ would for
Juncker simply mean putting states like Britain into a form of political sin
bin in which they are forced to pay but have no say until they come to their
political senses and cave in (which is what Cameron usually does in any case
when it comes to matters EU). Perhaps
the most cynical passage of the entire speech was Juncker’s call for a ‘fair
deal’ for a Britain he does not like and which he would be quite happy to see
go.
How can Juncker get away
with such a speech? After all, in the
past European Commission presidents were seen merely as the EU’s top bureaucrat
appointed by and subject to the member-states.
However, Juncker claims that when I voted in last year’s elections for
the European Parliament I somehow knew I was voting for so-called Spitzenkandidaten. In other words, he claims a political mandate
from an electorate that did not realise it was voting for him and of whom only
41% voted. It was a political coup.
Jean-Baptiste Juncker
wants more Europe at whatever cost and that is something I can never
accept. Indeed, Juncker’s claim in the
speech that “our European Union is not in a good state” is precisely because it
is not in Juncker’s interest for it to be in a good state. For Juncker no
crisis is a bad crisis if he can demand ever more ‘Europe’ at whatever cost.
That is why in the final analysis the speech was a carefully-crafted exercise
in political opportunism by a canny federalist who sees an opportunity to cross
a political Rubicon from state to super-state via the white hot political ‘crucible’
of crisis.
Therefore, for all the
above reasons I will continue to ‘carp’ on about Europe precisely because the
EU is bloody important, for the moment I still have the right as a ‘citizen’ to
exercise my view, and above all this is a bloody important moment in the EU’s
political destiny.
There is of course one
other vital difference between Juncker and me which may I fear prove critical;
he enjoys distant power, whilst I am a mere peasant.
Julian
Lindley-French
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