“…no amount of power can withstand the
hatred of the many…For fear is but a
poor safeguard of lasting power; while affection, on the other hand, may be
trusted to keep it safe for ever”.
Marcus Tullius Cicero
Alphen, Netherlands. 14 December.
Ten days ago on a flight from Amsterdam to Rome I re-read some of the Phillipicae; the fourteen great orations
made by Marcus Tullius Cicero between 44 and 43 BC condemning Mark Anthony for
his campaign to replace the Roman Republic with a permanent ‘Dictatorship’ in
the wake of the March 44 BC assassination of Julius Caesar. One of Cicero’s
many conceits was his belief that he could protect the Republic by supporting
the adopted son of Caesar, Octavian. It was to prove one of history’s great
miscalculations. Octavian went on to
become the emperor of emperors and destroyed what was left of the Republic, albeit
in the very name of the Republic. A crude form of representative politics was
thus replaced by the executive power of one man; Octavian became Caesar
Augustus.
Last week in Bucharest I warned
of the dangers of power without strategy. Watching Europe’s leaders and the EU
fail to grapple with a succession of crises - the Eurozone, Libya, Ukraine, the
migration crisis, IS, and Syria - reminded me of the dangers of making strategy
without power. This week one of those seemingly interminable EU Summits will
take place after another momentous year of momentous elite failure. One reason
for the serial strategic failure of both the EU and European leaders is a
Europe that hovers dangerously and ineffectively between an uber-pluralistic ‘Republic’,
an ever-more centralised ‘Empire’, or just plain chaos. Europe really is at an historic tipping
point.
The EU has become a bloody awful
way NOT to do things. This week’s Summit will no doubt continue that dubious
tradition. EU leaders will no doubt talk at great length about the Eurozone
crisis, the migration crisis, Syria, Russia, and no doubt agree some
Euro-technocratic issues. David Cameron will no doubt prattle on about Brexit and
plead with his politely-disinterested fellow leaders to get him out of a
political mess that is entirely of his own making. Never has a leader believed
less in a policy of his own making, or defended it so badly. The Presidency
Conclusions of little Luxembourg will then be briefly discussed, before the
Netherlands is invited to sort out this unholy mess during the first half of
2016…and report back next June.
However, the one thing assembled
leaders will not discuss will be the greatest challenge the Europe and the EU
faces; how to aggregate enormous effective power through new ‘architecture’
without in so doing rendering said power so far from the individual citizen
that the EU becomes a bureaucratic empire, and a representative democracy in
name only. One of the many reasons the
Roman republic collapsed was the inability of Rome to govern an increasingly
diverse empire, preserve the delicate balance between Rome’s aristocratic
families who held power through the Senate, and hold meaningful elections that
gave the Roman citizenry some sense that they too had a say in and over power.
The essential question is what
balance to strike between collective and common action. The High Priests of Project
Europe would suggest the only way is for the collective approach itself to be
abandoned and ‘common’ policies be adopted in their place. In other words, if
Europe is to deal with big challenges it must create a big new state called ‘Europe’. However, the notion of ‘Europe’ is theology
not action and in any case its very forced creation (for that is what it would
have to be) would effectively mark the end of ‘Republic’ and the creation of ‘Empire’.
The genius of Caesar Augustus was
to continue with the form of representative politics, but destroy the substance.
Citizens stilled queued on the Campus Martius to vote, and Senators still met
to debate. However, neither group had any power or any real influence. Indeed,
the ballots they cast were meaningless, and the ‘laws’ they enacted simply
rubber-stamped the will of Caesar, much like the European Parliament does today.
Rome’s Imperial system worked for
a time because it was led by able emperors who understood that efficiency and
effectiveness were vital to ensure and assure one-man rule via the ‘legitimacy’
of delivery. Indeed, Roman ‘virtue’ became for a time equated with imperial
efficiency, effectiveness and, indeed, expansion. In effect Caesar Augustus
offered Roman citizens the same deal the Chinese Communist Party offers the
Chinese middle classes today – slavery in return for prosperity and stability.
However, the moment the emperors were no longer able to offer such a deal, or when
absolute power corrupted insanely and the likes of Nero and Caligula gained
power by right of succession, then Rome began its long descent to collapse and
chaos.
Liberal democratic state power is
the key to meeting Europe’s crises. Indeed,
Europe needs less common action and more collective action. Indeed, if Europeans
are to be led back to safety, starting right now, it is vital Europe’s power
states – Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Poland and Spain - act. Only then
will decisive action be at all possible and even vaguely legitimate. The EU
would continue to function as a Senate and debate and advise power. And, of
course, this new power oligarchy would need to be utterly sensitive to the
views of other Europeans. It would also help if the three seriously big powers
- Britain, France and Germany - could actually agree on big things and the need
for solidarity at this time of crisis. However, as the risks and threats
Europeans face together become ever more apparent Europe’s big powers will have
little alternative but to stand together or fall divided. As for the EU, it is
incapable of dealing with the crises Europe faces today, and too often is part
of the problem.
Getting that balance right between
power, action and legitimacy is the single most important strategic and
political challenge the EU faces today.
It is a challenge that must be met by power.
The EU: republic, empire, or just
chaos?
Julian Lindley-French
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