Alphen, Netherlands. 8 February. If
North Korea is not stopped Pyongyang will develop a nuclear-tipped
intercontinental ballistic missile. US Secretary of State John Kerry warned North
Korea that the 7 February launch of a ‘communications satellite’ would have “serious
consequences”. His remarks were echoed by the foreign ministers of two of the other
permanent members of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council,
Britain and France, and even Russia condemned the launch. In diplo-speak ‘serious
consequences’ normally means an increased ‘pressure strategy’, which in turn
normally means more economic and other targeted sanctions. However, just after Kerry
spoke Beijing simply expressed ‘regret’ at the launch. What are the facts, the strategic
implications of the launch, what can be done, and why must if fall to China to
act?
First, the facts. In recent years
Pyongyang has tested a new generation of short, intermediate, and sea-based
missiles. Yesterday, at 0939 hours Japanese time, the North Koreans went one
step further and according to US Strategic Command successfully launched a long-range,
three-stage rocket into space. According to the US Pyongyang appears to have successfully
put a satellite into earth orbit, whilst the main body of the rocket crashed
into the South China Sea having travelled some 2000kms down range. The launch
represents a significant advance on the part of Pyongyang in its efforts to
develop the ‘KN-series’ intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) with a design
range in excess of 6000kms.
North Korea is following two
development tracks. Track one is designed to develop, test, and eventually
deploy a uranium-based fission atomic warhead, similar to the devices dropped
on Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of World War Two. If North Korea is to be
believed (a big ‘if’ indeed) Pyongyang is also trying to develop a far more destructive
plutonium-based fusion device. Track two was evident yesterday with in effect
the test of an ICBM that could in time carry a nuclear warhead with the
potential to strike anywhere in Asia-Pacific, including the West Coast of the
United States.
However, North Korea also has
some way to go before it can demonstrably claim to possess such a capability.
Indeed, Pyongyang has yet to resolve two major technical difficulties. One difficulty
concerns the miniaturisation of the fission-device to enable it to fit atop a
missile payload in the form of a nuclear warhead. The North Koreans have now it
would appear mastered the the technology that would enable a warhead to
successfully separate from the missile ‘bus’ at the appropriate point on a
ballistic trajectory. However, it would also appear they have yet to master the
technology needed to enable a warhead to successfully re-enter the earth’s upper
atmosphere. Equally, North Korea has clearly developed an indigenous programme
capable of getting the programme this far. It is thus reasonable to assume that unless
halted Pyongyang will indeed at some point in the not-too-distant future overcome
the remaining difficulties.
What would be the strategic implications?
Last month President Obama said that North Korea would eventually collapse.
Since the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) the underlying assumption
of all states, be they a party to the treaty or not, has been that all states share
a degree of rationality. Indeed, different though they might be all states are
all or in some form rational state actors, even if they are implacable enemies
such as Iran and Israel. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is most
decidedly not a rational state actor. And,
if President Obama is right the combination of a state about to collapse, an
irrational leadership indifferent to the suffering it creates, and armed with a
range of nuclear-tipped ballistic missiles poses perhaps the gravest threat to
the international order.
Multilateral action has consistently
been too little, too late. The so-called Six Party Talks created to deal with
Pyongyang following the latter’s 2003 with withdrawal from the NPT are
completely stymied. One need only look at the membership to understand why; the
US, China, Japan, Russian Federation, the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea, and the Republic of Korea. Indeed, Pyongyang has successfully driven an
ICBM-sized wedge between the already fractious members of the Group, even if
Moscow condemned Sunday’s launch.
Why must China act? If Beijing
fails to take action a nuclear arms race in China’s backyard beckons. Japan
could become a nuclear power relatively quickly, and South Korea has long
hinted it would also do so. Given that
both India and Pakistan are already nuclear powers the prospect of a
nuclear-armed twenty-first century Asia-Pacific, that would look much
nineteenth century Europe, simply does not bear thinking about.
Pyongyang also threatens to
destroy China’s carefully-crafted strategic calculations. Beijing has stated
that China is in some form of strategic competition with the United States. However,
it is also reasonable to assume that China still sees that competition from the
viewpoint of a rational actor seeking to exert its power and influence over its
region by striking a balance between economic, diplomatic and military power in
pursuit of what it sees as its own essentially rational interests.
Indeed, if successful North Korea
could trigger an arms race in East Asia of which both China and the US would
rapidly lose control. Indeed, if there is a ‘strategy’ behind Pyongyang’s
thinking beyond regime-survival nuclear blackmail chaos might well be it. Such
an arms race would threaten global peace and not just the regional tinderbox
that is East Asia. Moreover, if the nuclear genie escapes from the NPT bottle
then there is no telling the extent or pace of subsequent nuclear
proliferation. The technology is after all at least fifty years old.
Secretary Kerry also said
yesterday that the US would uphold its, “…ironclad commitment to the security
and defence of its allies,” primarily Japan and South Korea, but also other
states in the region. There is every reason to take Kerry at his word. However,
reading between the lines of diplo-speak implicit in Kerry’s statement is also a
call on China to stop Pyongyang. China certainly is the only power with any
real influence over North Korea. Seventy percent of what income Pyongyang
generates comes from China and it is fair to say Kim Jung Un’s regime is in
effect propped up by China.
Therefore, China must demonstrate
its strategic bone fides.
Specifically, President Xi Jingping must prove to the world that Beijing will
be a responsible world leader in the twenty-first century and move quickly to stop
Kim Jung-Un and his nuclear ambitions, or face the terrifying consequences of a
failure to act.
Julian Lindley-French
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