Alphen, Netherlands. 25
June. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and
I have had a lot in common this week; we both spent a lot of time either in
Germany or discussing Germany. The Queen
is in the midst of a state visit to Germany and I have just completed a 1200 plus
kilometre round car trip to take part in the Kiel Conference part organised by
the German Navy and the University of Kiel.
The previous week I was in Warsaw with the Weimar Forum. Both events were outstanding in their very
different ways and both revealed to me how Germany sees power and indeed its
own power role in twenty-first century Europe.
Too powerful to be simply another EU member-state and yet not powerful
enough to dominate Germany is casting itself as Europe’s community
champion. It is and will be a difficult
role to play.
A couple of weeks ago a
senior British officer said to me that Germany had in fact won World War Two
and that Britain had lost. On the face
of it one can understand his upbeat view of Germany and his downcast view of
Britain. Germany has indeed succeeded in
achieving Kaiser Wilhelm’s dream of a Europe organised around Germany. Indeed, it was rather bizarre (and indeed a
great pleasure) for me to be sailing across the great sound of Kiel in a German
naval vessel with HMS Ocean, a huge
British helicopter carrier, dominating the skyline (and the generators of which
kept me awake – note to Royal Navy).
Kiel was once the base for the High Seas Fleet which tried and failed to
defeat the Royal Navy during the First World War. It is also the port from
which the massive super-battleship KM
Bismarck left in 1941 en route to destroying HMS Hood and her own destruction under the guns of the Royal Navy
some three days later.
In response to my
British colleague I said World War Two was never fought to destroy Germany but rather
to ensure that the nature of Germany was rendered forever constructive and
peaceful. Britain played a massive role
in achieving that objective and Britain can be proud that today Germany is a
model parliamentary democracy.
Yes, Germany can be
bombastic. Tell me what great power isn’t. Apart of course from Britain which is and never
has been bombastic about anything, ever.
Yes, Germany has interests which it on occasions pursues with real
rigour. Yes, quite a few Germans have a
nauseating tendency to believe they are right about everything all of the
time. And, not a few Germans seem to
enjoy an exaggerated sense of Schadenfraude
at Britain’s seemingly endless un-Germaness firm in their belief that because
Britain is not Germany the British are doomed to failure, irrelevance, misery
etc. etc. Taken together these ‘endearing’
German traits can lead Berlin on occasions to step over the boundary between community
champion and Imperium.
However, my time with
German leaders this past year and indeed this past week have reinforced my
sense that modern Germany is a power that is deeply embedded indeed enmeshed is
a sense of European community. Contemporary
German history, which blots out the rest of German history like a dark cloud
blots out the sun, is powerfully eloquent in the minds of most modern Germans,
with the holocaust rightly to the fore.
Consequently, German
power is ring-fenced with self-restraint and the desperate need to act with the
approval of other Europeans. That sense
of self-awareness, self-restraint was clearly apparent at the Weimar Forum
meeting in Warsaw, particularly in the relationship with Poland which in many
ways acts a Germany’s power conscience.
It is also apparent in Chancellor Merkel’s clear desire to keep Greece
in the Eurozone and Britain in the EU. Indeed,
unlike most great powers Germany wants to be constrained by institutions, precisely
because Germans understand that a Europe in which power becomes unbalanced is inevitably
a very dangerous place. This is a state
of affairs to which Her Majesty alluded in last night’s speech in Berlin and
why the unbalancing of European power is precisely why President Putin’s attitude
and actions are so dangerous.
Behind the immediate
issues raised by Prime Minister David Cameron’s renegotiation of Britain’s
relationship with the German-led EU lurks a much deeper question of power. Whatever happens with the Brexit referendum
most indicators have Britain emerging as Europe’s second strongest economy by a
mile (or should that be a kilometre) and most powerful military actor. Therefore, how Germany deals with the likes
of Britain and indeed France will help determine whether German leadership of
Europe succeeds or fails.
Berlin clearly
understands that. Indeed, the very real
pomp and circumstance afforded Her Majesty in Berlin and the fact the Luftwaffe
accompanied her plane over German air space signifies the importance Germany
places in its strategic partnership with Britain. For that reason far from fearing Germany’s
role as community champion Britain must support it.
Europeans can never replace power by and with institutions. Russia is dangerous because
it is a weak state with too much force and it insufficiently embedded in international institutions.
Germany is a powerful state with too little force that has an exaggerated sense of the role of institutions as an alternative to power. Therefore, Germany
can only and will only ever succeed in partnership with powerful allies for too much German armed force would negate Germany’s role as
community champion. That is why the
ungainly but powerful presence of HMS
Ocean signified to me the new strategic partnership Britain and Germany
must forge.
Julian Lindley-French
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