“…the judgement of
history will…be that he did more than any other Englishman of his time to lower
their reputation and to impair the strength and compromise the future of the
Empire”.
The Manchester
Guardian on the death of Cecil Rhodes, 27 March, 1902
Alphen, Netherlands. 6 January.
Just before Christmas I was wandering around the colleges of my alma mater Oxford University as a
very typically British university scandal broke. A group of students led by a
South African Rhodes scholar demanded that the statue of Cecil Rhodes be taken
down from its lofty perch looking down on the learned folk of Oriel College.
Rhodes was the arch-imperialist and even archer-capitalist of the late
nineteenth century, and founder of said elite scholarship. By any stretch of the historical imagination
Rhodes was not a nice man. Indeed, as his 1902 obituary in the Manchester
Guardian implied Rhodes’s lust for ever greater imperial power as an extension
of his own imposed misery and exploitation on millions of black Africans and Boer
settlers across much of southern Africa.
As I wandered with what I would
hope is the educated eye of the Oxford historian I also wondered why Rhodes and
why now? In an attempt to answer that question I found myself looking at many of
the statues that drip from Oxford like baubles on a Christmas tree. By my
estimate at least half of the statues were either of exceptional people who
were exceptional precisely because they had either offended or imposed their
views on large numbers of others, or been the victims of such views.
Now, I suppose I could take a
very narrow view and suggest that the South African Rhodes scholar in question
has much to gain if he seeks a political career back in his native land (as do
many Rhodes scholars) by attacking the memory of Cecil Rhodes. However, for the
sake of argument I will be generous and accept that the #RhodesMustFall
campaign is principled.
Even if it is principled it
reflects a very narrow view of history and with the best will in the world must
be seen more as an attack on contemporary Britain as much as an attack on
nineteenth century British imperialism. What is galling for me and indeed many
is how quickly the leadership of Oriel College simply caved in. A plaque
honouring Rhodes was almost immediately removed and in February Oriel will
start a six month ‘consultation’ in February to decide whether or not Rhodes
must indeed fall. My fear is that said consultation will be about as genuine
and indeed as effective as David Cameron’s ‘renegotiation’ of Britain’s
membership of the EU!
There is however a further
question that this storm in an Oxford teapot raises; to what extent can and
indeed should one impose contemporary values on past historical figures?
History happened, or at least the history from the viewpoint of the victor at
any point in history happened. Therefore, the mistake perhaps was not that of
Oriel’s current High Table but that of a century ago which raised the statue of
a man controversial even at the time, no doubt in return for oodles of his
money. Still, look around Oxford today and one will find new centres a-sprouting
named after Saudi power-brokers and their ilk, with one that even bears the
name of a Ukrainian arms dealer. In other words, British universities have long
prostrated themselves before dodgy money.
However, for me the ‘why now’
question is the key to understanding Rhodesgate. There is a strange phenomenon sweeping across and through
British universitydom at present of which Rhodesgate is but a very mild
variant. It can best be called the intolerant tolerance. The basic premise upon
which tolerant intolerance is established is actually quite simple; British is bad,
non-British is better, however bad. The most obvious examples of this are the
so-called ‘safe havens’ which have been established in certain British
universities for those with extreme views, but only if those views conform to a
certain brand of extremism. Indeed, to conform such views must normally be of a
leftist or Islamist persuasion, which lead on occasions to strange alliances between
hard socialists and those with views that by any standards are closer to fascism
than socialism.
Thus, the attack on Rhodes is in
fact but the latest attack on Britain, or rather the narrative that is Britain,
by those with an axe to grind against Britain. Often under the name of ‘restorative
justice’ it is an axe that is only sharpened on one side. The aim is to
establish a new empire of thought within British universities that is often more
about the politics of race than the politics of ideas.
If not confronted by persons of
good will à la Burke I fear for the future of British universities. No longer
will they be empires of experimentation where intellects freely consider
desired future by freely considering the complex past. A place where debate is
not shaped by narrow factionalism but rather enlightenment and illumination
emerge from open debate between smart good people irrespective or race, gender,
nationality and/or orientation. A place
where again the tolerance of informed difference is regarded as sacrosanct. If
not, then I fear ‘debate’, or what passes for debate, will only take places be
between those of one particular view of power and history. The tragedy of irony
is that such ‘debate’ is little more than intellectual fascism. Those who do
not adhere to the permitted view-set? They will be either marginalised or keep
quiet for fear of being pilloried, or worse.
Walk down Broad Street and just
outside Balliol you will find a strange stone cross in the centre of the road. It is Martyr’s Cross where in 1555 Queen Mary
had Bishops Latimer and Ridley burned at the stake for heresy. Perhaps the
worse outcome of Rhodesgate would be to turn a ghastly old man into a latter
day Oxford Martyr for the silent many who resent the growing attacks on Britain
dressed up as pompous PC piety.
So, let me finish by paraphrasing
the Guardian’s obituary of Rhodes. The judgement of history is that he is doing
as much as any Englishman of his time to impair the strength and compromise the
future of his country even over a century after his death.
Let history be the judge of
Rhodes, not the mob, however ‘intelligent’.
Let his statue stand as a warning from history.
Julian Lindley-French
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