“Great empires are
not maintained by timidity”
Tacitus
Rome, Italy. 27 April. History
does not repeat itself, but patterns of power certainly do. The classical Roman
Republic prior to the first century BC was absolutely no democracy in the contemporary
European sense. However, compared with the subsequent Roman Imperium the
Republic enshrined at its core a system for limiting power; both of those who
were ‘elected’ to lead it, and more particularly the power and rights of the
Roman legions that served it. On Tuesday I had the honour of giving a speech at
NATO HQ in Brussels about my latest and of course utterly brilliant book – NATO: The Enduring Alliance 2015. In
fact, it was less a speech than an appalling two-footed tackle with studs showing
on self-deluded Alliance leaders for which I should, and probably have,
received an immediate red card.
As I spoke I was struck by a
profound sense of Yogi Berra-ness – déjà vu all over again. Many years ago at
Oxford I wrote a thesis about British policy and the coming of World War Two.
As part of my research I was given access to all the Downing Street Cabinet
minutes covering every day for a decade or so prior to and during the war. What
struck me yesterday was this; the response of the British Government to the
rise of Nazi Germany bears a striking similarity to the response of contemporary
European democracies to what Winston Churchill would no doubt have called the
latest World Crisis.
When Adolf Hitler became German
Chancellor in January 1933 the attitude of London was one of indifference. The
British were far too busy trying to fix their broken economy mired as it was in
the Great Depression. Indeed, the government of Ramsay MacDonald was simply too
focused on the economic crisis to properly consider a possible new threat to
the European and world order. After all, the League of Nations existed to
prevent such a challenge, didn’t it?
However, within ten months, and
the failure of the Disarmament Conference, the British began to realise they
had no choice but to consider the possibility of another major European war. In
October 1933 the Committee of the Imperial General Staff finally laid to rest
the so-called Ten Year Rule, whereby British policy stated that there was no
need to plan to fight another major war for at least a decade.
Furthermore, in February 1934
Britain launched the Rearmament Programme. This initiative would lead in
relatively quick order to the warfighting force that prevented Hitler from
winning World War Two. Spitfire and Hurricane fighters eventually emerged from
the ‘Programme’, as did a re-equipped Royal Navy, and a war-proofed industrial base.
However, it was RAF Bomber Command which would become the focus for much of the
Rearmament Programme. One obsession of the 1930s was the widely held elite
belief that the bomber would “always get through”. On the night of November 14th,
1940 515 ‘light’ Luftwaffe bombers attacked the British city of Coventry. On
the night of May 31st, 1942 1000 RAF ‘heavies’ blitzed Cologne. The
creation of that massive British force dated back to a decision taken in 1934.
Which brings me back to NATO
today. Much of my presentation concerned NATO’s forthcoming Warsaw Summit in
July. Ahead of the Summit there is apparently
some ‘good’ news – NATO Europeans have stopped cutting their defence budgets.
First, if that is all there is to celebrate the Alliance is in real trouble.
Second, be it Britain playing fast and loose with defence accounting rules to
maintain the appearance of 2% GDP expenditure on defence, or the disarming Dutch
and others presenting small investments below the level of defence cost
inflation as ‘increases’, NATO Europeans are clearly not as yet prepared to
scrap the current implicit Ten Year Rule that drives most defence planning in
Europe.
Therefore, if Warsaw does nothing
else it must move to scrap NATO’s implicit Ten Year Rule. If Europeans do not they
will soon be in for a shock. At the 2014 NATO Wales Summit NATO nations agreed
in principle to move towards 2% GDP defence expenditure “within a decade” of
which 20% should be spent on new equipment. Indeed, that IS the implicit Ten
Year Rule under which the Alliance now labours. However, my bet is that within a
year Washington will demand that the 2%/20% ‘guideline’ becomes the absolute minimum
European commitment to burden-sharing if the US security guarantee to Europe is
to be maintained. And, that the guideline becomes a commitment that will need
to be met well before 2024.
Europeans might dream of a world
of latter day Roman republics. In fact, the world is brim full of the putative
wannabe ‘sons’ of Caesar, Caesar Augustus, Trajan, and not a few Caligulas and
Neros. Therefore, no more NATO summits for nothing in which success is measured
purely by the fact that ‘language’ was agreed for a Declaration, even if said declaration
bears little or no relation to, or has little positive impact upon, strategic
reality.
Europe is again at the centre of
big, bad horrible history-making. And, whilst the history that is today being
made will by definition be no repeat of the past, the power pattern that is
driving dangerous change is all too familiar. End Europe’s Ten Year Rule now!
Julian Lindley-French
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